Though he sang in one of his tracks that ‘all I want is your waist’ but the ‘Kukere’ crooner, Iyanya has replied Ghanaian actress, Yvonne Nelson, who he reportedly dated, that he only wanted her for fling and not for love.
Speaking with on Tim Westwood show in the UK, Iyanya said he only wanted the actress for pleasure and not for true love like she would have thought in her mind.
“Yvonne Nelson, I lost your medicine. She called that she’s coming over and I ride her like a ‘jangolova’. All I want is your waist, no emotions, no tears, no letters, no love, no nothing. All I want is your waist, she ain’t even know it. She brought emotions.”
Hope Yvonne will not be angry with Iyanya again after this confession?
Wednesday, 14 August 2013
We can’t meet ASUU’s N92bn demand – FG
THE Federal Government on Tuesday said it did not have the resources to meet the N92bn financial demand by the Academic Staff Union of Universities.
Minister of Finance, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, at the opening of a two-day meeting of Commissioners of Finance and Accountants-General of states, said the N92bn being demanded by the university lecturers was not within the reach of the Federal Government.
She said, “At present, ASUU wants the Federal Government to pay N92bn in extra allowances, when the resources are not there, and when we are working to integrate past increases in pensions. We need to make choices in this country as we are getting to the stage where recurrent expenditures take the bulk of our resources and people get paid but can do no work.
“Since I assumed office, the share of recurrent expenditure in our total budgets had increased astronomically. In fact, recurrent expenditure accounted for about 77.2 per cent of the federal budget and we are now working to re-balance this ratio.”The minister added, “The country is still suffering from the effect of the 2010 increase in salary. Do we want to get to a stage in this country that all the money we earn is used to pay salaries and allowances?
The theme of the meeting is ‘Restructuring Nigeria’s Finances.’
She said, “If the demands of the university lecturers are met and we continue to pay them salaries and allowances, we will not be able to provide infrastructure in the universities.”
The minister also lamented that Nigeria’s over-dependence on oil had resulted in deterioration of the nation’s non-oil tax.
She said that non-oil taxes accounted for 74 per cent of Nigeria’s Government revenues in 1970 but by 2012, it had declined to only 30 per cent.
She said many states and local governments were also dependent on monthly revenue allocation from the central government. “On the average only 11 percent of sub-national revenue was obtained from internally-generated sources,” she added.
Meanwhile, the negotiation between the Federal Government and striking members of the ASUU ended in a deadlock as both parties rescheduled the meeting to Monday next week.
The Chief Mediator on behalf of Federal Government and Governor of Benue State, Dr. Gabriel Suswam, who spoke with journalists on Tuesday after a marathon meeting, said “tremendous progress” has been made in the negotiations, particularly on the NEEDs Assessment and Earned Allowance issues raised by ASUU.
Suswam, who also serves as chairman of the Universities Needs Assessment Committee, expressed optimism that the issues would soon be resolved going by the progress made so far.
Why Okonjo Iweala must resign.
She was recently listed as one of the most powerful women in the world. Her name conjures up the image of an Amazon who symbolises excellence and the height of intellectual achievement. She is by no means a role model and a worthy example of the level Nigerian women can attain if given the opportunity to excel. There is also no doubt that the Minister of Finance, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, is one of Nigeria’s proud exports. One cannot but admire her simplicity and self-effacing demeanour. Personally, I am in awe of her spartan fashion style. It portrays a woman not given to vanities or the mundane. For someone who has achieved global acclaim, one would expect her to wear her achievements like a diadem as most Nigerians of even lesser status are won’t to do. But not so for our finance minister who is found to usually spot her simple Ankara fabric and trademark round head tie jauntily placed on her head. She seems not to take herself too seriously.
That Okonjo-Iweala is loved and spoken of in fond terms by ordinary Nigerians is also not in doubt. This outpouring of love was displayed in 2012 when she contested the position of the President of the World Bank. Many Nigerians rooted for her. Her quest to be African’s first woman to head the Breton Wood institution became a national obsession. With the media rooting for her candidacy, her fellow citizens thought she was qualified to lead the foremost global financial institution. When she lost, Africa was disappointed. Prior to her 2003 appointment by Obasanjo as finance minister and head of the Economic Management Team, only a few Nigerians knew her. As a finance minister, she was known to have tenaciously used her influence to negotiate a deal with the Paris Club to pay a portion of Nigeria’s external debt (US $12bn) in return for an $18bn debt write-off. Her role in the deal was widely acknowledged.
During this time, the Harvard-trained economist was also known for her insistence on accountability in public spending and budgeting. Among many of her well-known achievements was the practice of publishing each state and local government’s monthly financial allocations in the newspapers. This went a long way in increasing transparency in governance. She was also instrumental in helping Nigeria obtain its first ever sovereign credit rating (of BB minus) from Fitch and Standard & Poor’s. Nigeria then was considered as having defaulted on its sovereign debt in 1983 (debt rescheduling is considered a type of default by rating agencies).
In spite of the controversy that beclouded her removal by Obasanjo, Okonjo-Iweala left with her reputation intact as one of Nigeria’s most hard-working and celebrated ministers of that era. She returned to the World Bank having been appointed as the Managing Director in 2007. To underscore the importance of the role she played in her first term, President Goodluck Jonathan appointed her as Minister of Finance with an expanded portfolio as the Coordinating Minister for the Economy in 2011. But how well has she performed in her second coming? Has the Jonathan administration provided the enabling environment for her economic policies to impact positively on the economy? As a coordinating minister, Okonjo-Iweala has extensive influence in shaping the direction of Jonathan’s economic team and the transformation agenda. But that is as far as it goes. In this largely corrupt administration, she has shouted herself hoarse on the need to reduce Nigeria’s bourgeoning recurrent expenditure which accounts for a large chunk of the national budget. She has harped on capital projects to reduce the worsening unemployment rate which she once said gives her sleepless nights. But the government she serves has so far not listened or does not seem to “give a damn”. In spite of all her efforts, the economy is still in doldrums; poverty has worsened. This makes it strange that Okonjo-Iweala remains in a government that is on record to explicitly encourage corruption by not fighting it. Doesn’t she feel a sense of frustration that her efforts at bringing the economy back have so far been a resounding failure? Does the minister not know that nothing she does will matter in the present political climate that encourages corruption and waste by public officials? Is she not concerned by the lack of political will by the President to fight economic crimes that are inimical to economic development? Okonjo-Iweala should know that no economic initiative will work in a country where corruption pervades the fabric of governance.
How can interventions such as hers work in a corrupt country such as ours where public funds are stolen in a brazen manner by government officials with impunity? It is for this reasons that her efforts at reviving the economy will continue to hit a brick wall. No matter how sound the economic decisions she makes, they will be subverted somewhere along the line by economic and political saboteurs in and out of government. It is worse that the President allows them roam freely and gleefully. There is massive corruption in the land. The government is losing billions to oil thieves. This government is bloated which makes its running expensive.
Instructively, no situation best symbolises Okonjo-Iweala’s dilemma than the worsening unemployment rate. The figure released by the National Bureau of Statistics shows that unemployment rate has risen to 25 per cent. Historically, from 2006 until 2011, Nigeria’s unemployment rate averaged 14.6 per cent reaching an all-time high of 23.9 per cent in 2011 and a record low of 5.3 per cent in 2006. Yet, it was in these years that Okonjo-Iweala was a minister. What has gone wrong? Let us not be too quick to blame it on global unemployment rate. The minister must be courageous enough to tell this government the home truth. I suspect the credibility she has built is at stake if she stays on to serve this government. How can a first class global technocrat like her be comfortable in a government that has refused to fight corruption; where the ruling elite engage in conspicuous consumption at the expense of the suffering masses? And, where a very few ruling class appropriate a large chunk of the treasury in outrageous salaries and allowances? Where is the economic and moral justification?
It is also an antithesis that she is the finance minister to a government that encourages indiscriminate borrowing when she was known to have worked hard to make our country debt-free in her first coming. The Jonathan government is on a borrowing binge, ironically, at a time the country is earning huge oil revenue like never before. Now, the minister is defending this administration’s N251bn debt-for-infrastructure debts. Something is definitely not right here. Recently, the Debt Management Office raised the alarm on Nigeria’s debt profile which it says may hit $25bn (about N3.75 tr) by 2015. Our domestic debt also stands at more than N6tn, while foreign debt at the end of 2012 was more than $6.5bn. Even the governor of Central Bank, Lamido Sanusi, is alarmed. Hear him: “We are borrowing more money today at a higher interest rate while leaving the heavy debt burden for our children and grandchildren.”
Is the minister listening? Okonjo-Iweala should know that Nigerians hold her in high esteem. They also want her to succeed. But it is doubtful if this is possible with this licentious government. She must find the courage to resign if her efforts are being deliberately sabotaged, as they appear to discerning Nigerians. She should not continue to lend her hard earned name to this charade called Jonathan’s administration. There is no use rescuing a sinking ship whose captain lacks the will to steer it in the right direction.
That Okonjo-Iweala is loved and spoken of in fond terms by ordinary Nigerians is also not in doubt. This outpouring of love was displayed in 2012 when she contested the position of the President of the World Bank. Many Nigerians rooted for her. Her quest to be African’s first woman to head the Breton Wood institution became a national obsession. With the media rooting for her candidacy, her fellow citizens thought she was qualified to lead the foremost global financial institution. When she lost, Africa was disappointed. Prior to her 2003 appointment by Obasanjo as finance minister and head of the Economic Management Team, only a few Nigerians knew her. As a finance minister, she was known to have tenaciously used her influence to negotiate a deal with the Paris Club to pay a portion of Nigeria’s external debt (US $12bn) in return for an $18bn debt write-off. Her role in the deal was widely acknowledged.
During this time, the Harvard-trained economist was also known for her insistence on accountability in public spending and budgeting. Among many of her well-known achievements was the practice of publishing each state and local government’s monthly financial allocations in the newspapers. This went a long way in increasing transparency in governance. She was also instrumental in helping Nigeria obtain its first ever sovereign credit rating (of BB minus) from Fitch and Standard & Poor’s. Nigeria then was considered as having defaulted on its sovereign debt in 1983 (debt rescheduling is considered a type of default by rating agencies).
In spite of the controversy that beclouded her removal by Obasanjo, Okonjo-Iweala left with her reputation intact as one of Nigeria’s most hard-working and celebrated ministers of that era. She returned to the World Bank having been appointed as the Managing Director in 2007. To underscore the importance of the role she played in her first term, President Goodluck Jonathan appointed her as Minister of Finance with an expanded portfolio as the Coordinating Minister for the Economy in 2011. But how well has she performed in her second coming? Has the Jonathan administration provided the enabling environment for her economic policies to impact positively on the economy? As a coordinating minister, Okonjo-Iweala has extensive influence in shaping the direction of Jonathan’s economic team and the transformation agenda. But that is as far as it goes. In this largely corrupt administration, she has shouted herself hoarse on the need to reduce Nigeria’s bourgeoning recurrent expenditure which accounts for a large chunk of the national budget. She has harped on capital projects to reduce the worsening unemployment rate which she once said gives her sleepless nights. But the government she serves has so far not listened or does not seem to “give a damn”. In spite of all her efforts, the economy is still in doldrums; poverty has worsened. This makes it strange that Okonjo-Iweala remains in a government that is on record to explicitly encourage corruption by not fighting it. Doesn’t she feel a sense of frustration that her efforts at bringing the economy back have so far been a resounding failure? Does the minister not know that nothing she does will matter in the present political climate that encourages corruption and waste by public officials? Is she not concerned by the lack of political will by the President to fight economic crimes that are inimical to economic development? Okonjo-Iweala should know that no economic initiative will work in a country where corruption pervades the fabric of governance.
How can interventions such as hers work in a corrupt country such as ours where public funds are stolen in a brazen manner by government officials with impunity? It is for this reasons that her efforts at reviving the economy will continue to hit a brick wall. No matter how sound the economic decisions she makes, they will be subverted somewhere along the line by economic and political saboteurs in and out of government. It is worse that the President allows them roam freely and gleefully. There is massive corruption in the land. The government is losing billions to oil thieves. This government is bloated which makes its running expensive.
Instructively, no situation best symbolises Okonjo-Iweala’s dilemma than the worsening unemployment rate. The figure released by the National Bureau of Statistics shows that unemployment rate has risen to 25 per cent. Historically, from 2006 until 2011, Nigeria’s unemployment rate averaged 14.6 per cent reaching an all-time high of 23.9 per cent in 2011 and a record low of 5.3 per cent in 2006. Yet, it was in these years that Okonjo-Iweala was a minister. What has gone wrong? Let us not be too quick to blame it on global unemployment rate. The minister must be courageous enough to tell this government the home truth. I suspect the credibility she has built is at stake if she stays on to serve this government. How can a first class global technocrat like her be comfortable in a government that has refused to fight corruption; where the ruling elite engage in conspicuous consumption at the expense of the suffering masses? And, where a very few ruling class appropriate a large chunk of the treasury in outrageous salaries and allowances? Where is the economic and moral justification?
It is also an antithesis that she is the finance minister to a government that encourages indiscriminate borrowing when she was known to have worked hard to make our country debt-free in her first coming. The Jonathan government is on a borrowing binge, ironically, at a time the country is earning huge oil revenue like never before. Now, the minister is defending this administration’s N251bn debt-for-infrastructure debts. Something is definitely not right here. Recently, the Debt Management Office raised the alarm on Nigeria’s debt profile which it says may hit $25bn (about N3.75 tr) by 2015. Our domestic debt also stands at more than N6tn, while foreign debt at the end of 2012 was more than $6.5bn. Even the governor of Central Bank, Lamido Sanusi, is alarmed. Hear him: “We are borrowing more money today at a higher interest rate while leaving the heavy debt burden for our children and grandchildren.”
Is the minister listening? Okonjo-Iweala should know that Nigerians hold her in high esteem. They also want her to succeed. But it is doubtful if this is possible with this licentious government. She must find the courage to resign if her efforts are being deliberately sabotaged, as they appear to discerning Nigerians. She should not continue to lend her hard earned name to this charade called Jonathan’s administration. There is no use rescuing a sinking ship whose captain lacks the will to steer it in the right direction.
Abati don get im own BMW gift from Oga at the Top?
“Ol’boy, e don happen o!”
“Ehn, wetin happen? Abati don get im own BMW gift from Oga?”
“For where? The car gift race na still 1-0 in favour of Okupe o. Maybe Abati will get his own car gift after writing a ten-part essay to abuse APC but no be Presidency parole I come yarn with una today o.”
“Okay, so na wetin come happen wey you dey agitated like dis?”
“Men, na dis country matter just dey taya me”
“Naija taya you na dat one be news? Abeg leave matter. Na who Naija no taya?”
“Dat’s not what I mean. What I’m saying is that I’m getting really pissed off with the way everybody is carrying on in this country about some women who were raped.
“Rape? Who rape women? When?”
“No be dis country we all dey? Have you forgotten our husband has gone mad again?”
“Ah, yes, our husband has gone mad again! I know the man. Who does not know that action man in this country?”
“Well, he has gone mad yet again and raped some Amadioha women just because they are resident here in Kakanfoland instead of living in their birthplace of Amadiohaland.”
“Ah, ok, now I get it. You are talking about those Amadioha girls who were raped last week by our husband has gone mad again.”
“Yes, das why I say Naija taya me.”
“Naija taya you because our husband has gone mad again raped some Amadioha girls here in Kakanfoland?”
“No, Naija taya me because of the way these ungrateful Amadioha people have gone about the incident since last week.”
“Ah, my brother, I see where you are going. You are on point. Mesef, I never see anything like dat before. Such liars and exaggerators.”
“Abi o. They went about saying our husband has gone mad again raped 72 Amadioha girls when in fact he raped only about 14 or even less than 14 girls. This country sef. No ethics. No morality. A man rapes a mere 14 girls and you go about telling lies that he raped 72. Exaggeration is in the nature of Amadioha people.”
“The exaggeration is not even what I find most nauseating. What annoys me the most is that even people among them I thought were intelligent are making it sound like rape only happens in Nigeria. They cannot do simple statistical research. I’m sure you know that New York men regularly rape girls from other states who are resident in New York. Last year, almost 200 Nebraska girls were raped in Brooklyn; last month, 80 native Illinois girls were raped in Manhattan by the men of New York; last week, about 20 California girls were raped in the streets of Harlem. Once you are an out of state girl in New York, chances are you will be raped because New York men like to rape foreign girls in accordance with their belief that only sane and wealthy girls born in New York must live in New York. The statistics are there. Have you heard any of these people making noise in Nigeria talk about the periodic rape of out of state girls in most American states? No, they will not. It is only when rape happens in Nigeria that they start disturbing everybody.”
“My brother, you are very correct. But you are even going too far by talking about the regular rape of out of state girls in America. Have you not noticed the tribalism of all the idiots who are attacking our husband has gone mad again? Stupid tribalists. They are making it sound like he rapes only Amadioha girls.”
“Ah, my brother, di ting taya me o. I have thought about that too. I cannot stand the hypocrisy of Amadioha noisemakers. Here is a man who has frequently raped the daughters of Muhammad Rumfa and Othman Dan Fodio. In the last two years, I cannot count how many Kakanfo girls he has raped - from the daughters of Mesiogo to the daughters of Ogbeni. He has raped them all. Yet, instead of acknowledging his sense of justice and fairness as an equal opportunity rapist, Amadioha tribalists are skewing the picture to make it look like he rapes only Amadioha girls.”
“Na only dat one? What about regular rape even within Amadiohaland? How many times have girls been raped just because they do not come from a particular region of Amadiohaland? Do you hear any talk about that one? It is only the rape of Amadioha girls in Kakanfoland that you will them scream about. Even that obstreperous victim of Jesus Christ from Ikwerre land has started raping non-native girls in Port Harcourt and nobody is talking about it.”
“My brother, you are spot on. We must not allow tribalists to condemn our own. We must notlet them obscure his sense of fairness. We must continue to scream it out to the whole world that our husband has gone mad again rapes girls equally from every part of Nigeria. We must make the case that his counterparts in Amadiohaland also rape girls from Amadiohaland and are not even humane rapists like our husband has gone mad again.”
“Abi o. All the talk about rape don taya me sef. They go on and on flogging the issue as if it is more than rape. No be just rape? The more they flog the issue, the more I get bored. Abeg we need to move on jare.”
“Don’t mind them. We are ready for them. In fact, I cannot authoritatively tell you now but I hear that one of our brothers is going to deal ruthlessly with them in an essay tentatively entitled, “The Bitter Truth About Amadioha Tribalists”.
“Ah, my brother, now you are talking! Abeg, let him told dem! Let him told dem, my broda! What is that article about?”
“I cannot categorically tell you now what the article is about but I hear that the man will show them pepper. Our brother is working on that article as we speak because he is furious that Amadioha tribalists are not just claiming to be the owners of the girls who were raped by our husband has gone mad again but, also, the bed on which the girls were raped. Can you imagine that insult upon injury? Not content with exaggerating the number of girls who were raped, they are now saying that they own the girls and the bed. Our broda will teach them who own’s Papa’s bed in his article.”
“Ehn, wetin happen? Abati don get im own BMW gift from Oga?”
“For where? The car gift race na still 1-0 in favour of Okupe o. Maybe Abati will get his own car gift after writing a ten-part essay to abuse APC but no be Presidency parole I come yarn with una today o.”
“Okay, so na wetin come happen wey you dey agitated like dis?”
“Men, na dis country matter just dey taya me”
“Naija taya you na dat one be news? Abeg leave matter. Na who Naija no taya?”
“Dat’s not what I mean. What I’m saying is that I’m getting really pissed off with the way everybody is carrying on in this country about some women who were raped.
“Rape? Who rape women? When?”
“No be dis country we all dey? Have you forgotten our husband has gone mad again?”
“Ah, yes, our husband has gone mad again! I know the man. Who does not know that action man in this country?”
“Well, he has gone mad yet again and raped some Amadioha women just because they are resident here in Kakanfoland instead of living in their birthplace of Amadiohaland.”
“Ah, ok, now I get it. You are talking about those Amadioha girls who were raped last week by our husband has gone mad again.”
“Yes, das why I say Naija taya me.”
“Naija taya you because our husband has gone mad again raped some Amadioha girls here in Kakanfoland?”
“No, Naija taya me because of the way these ungrateful Amadioha people have gone about the incident since last week.”
“Ah, my brother, I see where you are going. You are on point. Mesef, I never see anything like dat before. Such liars and exaggerators.”
“Abi o. They went about saying our husband has gone mad again raped 72 Amadioha girls when in fact he raped only about 14 or even less than 14 girls. This country sef. No ethics. No morality. A man rapes a mere 14 girls and you go about telling lies that he raped 72. Exaggeration is in the nature of Amadioha people.”
“The exaggeration is not even what I find most nauseating. What annoys me the most is that even people among them I thought were intelligent are making it sound like rape only happens in Nigeria. They cannot do simple statistical research. I’m sure you know that New York men regularly rape girls from other states who are resident in New York. Last year, almost 200 Nebraska girls were raped in Brooklyn; last month, 80 native Illinois girls were raped in Manhattan by the men of New York; last week, about 20 California girls were raped in the streets of Harlem. Once you are an out of state girl in New York, chances are you will be raped because New York men like to rape foreign girls in accordance with their belief that only sane and wealthy girls born in New York must live in New York. The statistics are there. Have you heard any of these people making noise in Nigeria talk about the periodic rape of out of state girls in most American states? No, they will not. It is only when rape happens in Nigeria that they start disturbing everybody.”
“My brother, you are very correct. But you are even going too far by talking about the regular rape of out of state girls in America. Have you not noticed the tribalism of all the idiots who are attacking our husband has gone mad again? Stupid tribalists. They are making it sound like he rapes only Amadioha girls.”
“Ah, my brother, di ting taya me o. I have thought about that too. I cannot stand the hypocrisy of Amadioha noisemakers. Here is a man who has frequently raped the daughters of Muhammad Rumfa and Othman Dan Fodio. In the last two years, I cannot count how many Kakanfo girls he has raped - from the daughters of Mesiogo to the daughters of Ogbeni. He has raped them all. Yet, instead of acknowledging his sense of justice and fairness as an equal opportunity rapist, Amadioha tribalists are skewing the picture to make it look like he rapes only Amadioha girls.”
“Na only dat one? What about regular rape even within Amadiohaland? How many times have girls been raped just because they do not come from a particular region of Amadiohaland? Do you hear any talk about that one? It is only the rape of Amadioha girls in Kakanfoland that you will them scream about. Even that obstreperous victim of Jesus Christ from Ikwerre land has started raping non-native girls in Port Harcourt and nobody is talking about it.”
“My brother, you are spot on. We must not allow tribalists to condemn our own. We must notlet them obscure his sense of fairness. We must continue to scream it out to the whole world that our husband has gone mad again rapes girls equally from every part of Nigeria. We must make the case that his counterparts in Amadiohaland also rape girls from Amadiohaland and are not even humane rapists like our husband has gone mad again.”
“Abi o. All the talk about rape don taya me sef. They go on and on flogging the issue as if it is more than rape. No be just rape? The more they flog the issue, the more I get bored. Abeg we need to move on jare.”
“Don’t mind them. We are ready for them. In fact, I cannot authoritatively tell you now but I hear that one of our brothers is going to deal ruthlessly with them in an essay tentatively entitled, “The Bitter Truth About Amadioha Tribalists”.
“Ah, my brother, now you are talking! Abeg, let him told dem! Let him told dem, my broda! What is that article about?”
“I cannot categorically tell you now what the article is about but I hear that the man will show them pepper. Our brother is working on that article as we speak because he is furious that Amadioha tribalists are not just claiming to be the owners of the girls who were raped by our husband has gone mad again but, also, the bed on which the girls were raped. Can you imagine that insult upon injury? Not content with exaggerating the number of girls who were raped, they are now saying that they own the girls and the bed. Our broda will teach them who own’s Papa’s bed in his article.”
A Word For Those That Call Me A Tribalist By Femi Fani-Kayode
Those that call me a tribalist are simply misguided. Perhaps they do not know the meaning of the word or its true import. Those that know me well can confirm the fact that I am not a tribalist, a racist or a bigot and that I consider such sentiments as being unworthy of a man of class, good breeding and culture. I am however a firm believer in the propagation of truth and I appreciate the value and importance of history. Sadly many of our igbo compatriots do not believe in that. For them history consists of only one thing- how other Nigerians have always marginalized them and treated them badly.
If only they knew their own history, where they are coming from, what they used to be, where they were 100 years ago and what their forefathers did to the rest of Nigeria over the last 80 years they would know why they have always had such a hard time in this country. Sadly because they dont know any of these things they cannot learn from them. And if they cannot learn from them they will continue to make the same mistakes. That is why they can come to another mans land and territory and call it their own and when we say ''no'' they tell us to shut up and call us tribalists.
I was not a tribalist when I wrote a tribute to Colonel Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu after he died or when I condemned the '60's pogroms that took place in the north in which their people were slaughtered like flies. I was not a tribalist when I wrote against my good friend Senator Ahmed Sani Yarima and child marriage in the north. Yet now I am a tribalist because I spoke the truth about our history and who the yoruba are. I was not a tribalist when I had a long-standing and intimate relationship with Miss Bianca Onoh, an igbo lady, who many years later married Ojukwu and who is now our Ambassador in Spain. I was not a tribalist when I had a long-standing and intimate relationship with Miss Chioma Anasoh, another igbo lady, who I almost took as a second wife. I was not a tribalist when I had a long-standing and intimate relationship with Miss Adaobi Uchegbu, another igbo lady, who was exceptionally close to me and who is now at the National Headquarters of the ruling PDP.
I was not a tribalist when I wrote essays defending the rights of the igbo and every other Nigerian nationality to exercise their right of self-determination and leave Nigeria if that is what they wanted to do. I was not a tribalist when I consistently wrote that Nigeria must have a Sovereign National Conference where the rights and obligations of all its various nationalities would be clearly defined and agreed upon. I was not a tribalist when I employed more igbo people as a Presidential spokesman and a Minister of the Federal Republic than even my own yoruba. I was not a tribalist when I wrote an essay, just two years ago, extolling the virtues of igbo women and telling the world about their sudden and meteoric rise and how far they had gone in the power circles of this country in the last 10 years. I was not a tribalist when I condemned the bombing of predominantly igbo and catholic churches and the killing of the igbo and others by Boko Haram in the north over the last three years.
I was not a tribalist when I risked my life by consistently writing against Boko Haram and urging our President to do a better job at protecting the lives of all Nigerians even though I live in the north. I was not a tribalist when I wrote against political sharia in the late '90's and I participated in protracted and sometimes acrimoniuos debates with islamic fundamentalists and islamists. I was not a tribalist when I was in NADECO and when we fought against military rule in Nigeria. I was not a tribalist when I fought for a President from the south-south or the south-east. I was not a tribalist when I wrote in defence of the igbo when it came to the abandoned property issue. I was not a tribalist when I wrote about the excesses of the Federal troops during the civil war. I was not a tribalist when I commended Azikiwe and the virtues of the NCNC in Nigerian history. I was not a tribalist when I wrote that it was unfair and wrong for the Federal Government of Nigeria to leave the igbo with only 20 pounds each after the civil war. I was not a tribalist when many years ago I attended and gave my life to Christ in a church called TREM which was established by a great igbo man by the name of Bishop Mike Okonkwo. I was not a tribalist when my grandfather, Justice Victor Adedapo Kayode, taught Chief Nnamdi Azikiwe at Methodist Boys High School in Lagos and when my father, Chief Remilekun Fani-Kayode, was appointed as the leader of the predominantly igbo NCNC in the Western Regional House of Assembly. I could go on and on. These people have very short memories and anyone that does not agree with them all the time or that says one word against them at any point in time is labelled a tribalist for life.
They called Chief Obafemi Awolowo a tribalist, an igbo-hater a genocidal maniac and a child-killer simply because the man refused to join sides with them in the civil war yet they forgot that on one of the occassions that Awolowo ran for the Presidency his running mate was from the east and not from the north. They called Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh, Chief S.L Akintola and Sir Ahmadu Bello igbo-haters and tribalists simply because they saw through the igbo agenda at a very early stage in our history and they marked and killed them all for it. They called General Yakubu Gowon a genocidal maniac, a child-killer, an igbo-hater and a tribalist simply because opposed Biafra, stood up to Ojukwu and insisted on keeping Nigeria together and even though he declared that there was ''no victor and no vanquished'' after the civil war.
They accused President Olusegun Obasanjo of being a tribalist and an igbo-hater even though he appointed an igbo man as the first GOC in the Nigerian Army since 1966 and even though he appointed more igbos into key positions in his government than any President before him. They accused President Shehu Shagari of being a tribalist and an igbo-hater even though he pardoned Ojukwu and allowed him to return back home after a long period in exile. They have accused the Nigerian people of being tribalists and igbo-haters simply because we have not had an igbo President since 1966 forgetting that Nigeria was magnamonious in victory and that she not only gladly welcomed them back into the fold after the civil war but that she also gave them the Vice Presidency of the country only ten years later. They have labelled the northerners as tribalists and igbo-haters simply because the north has refused to tolerate their excesses and accept their complicated ways. They have labelled the Niger Deltans as tribalists and igbo-haters simply due to the ''abandoned property issue'' and because historically many of them have always resisted the idea of igbo domination.
They have labelled the yoruba as tribalists and igbo-haters simply because we have refused to accept their claims to our land and territory and even though we were more charitable, hospitable, accomodating and generous to them than any other nationality in Nigeria after the civil war. The yoruba particularly have been too kind and gentle with them. That is the problem. They see our liberal and accomodating nature as stupidity and weakness. That is why they always call the yoruba cowards forgetting that the history of the yoruba proves otherwise. It is now time to tell the truth. They despise the yoruba and they only pretend to believe in one Nigeria as long as they can always have their way and laud it over others. Worst of all, generally speaking, they have no restraining factors because money and the acquisition of wealth is their sole objective and purpose in life.
Someone ought to tell them that this is not a virtue but a vice. It is a cultural deficiency which is borne out of not having any history. If they did they would be less aggressive, more restrained and far more civil to others even where and when they disagree with them. If speaking these bitter home truths and yearning and fighting for a better Nigeria makes me a tribalist then it is a toga that I would be happy to wear. I will not sit by quietly and allow my people, the yoruba people of south western Nigeria, to be rubbished, insulted and cheated by anyone no matter how aggressive and given to extreemities that anyone may believe he is. I make or offer and no apology for my views. My numerous assertions on the igbo stand.
Meanwhile I have read all sorts of strange submissions in various newspapers and blogs that have held themselves out as rejoinders to my two articles titled "Lagos, The Igbo and the Servants Of Truth" and "The Bitter Truth About The Igbo". Sadly other than the usual abuse and ungodly clap-trap not one of them has been able to address ANY of the issues that I raised in either of the two articles, answer any of the questions that I posed in them or successfully challenge my presentation of historical facts.
The bellicose nature and sheer crassness of these so-called rejoinders goes to prove two things. Firstly that those that I have descibed as being collectively unlettered, uncouth, uncultured, unrestrained and crude in all their ways really are all those things and a lot more and secondly that they cannot put up any reasonable or serious arguement to discredit or refute the message so instead they are attempting to destroy the messanger. Meanwhile the two essays have been published in various newspapers in our country and outside and it will continue to be published by others long into the forseeable future.
The message is clear and it is already out there. It cannot be called back in. The horse has bolted from the stable and the falcon has left the nest. No matter how hard those that are attempting to intimidate us into silence may try it will not work and we will not be cowed. The message is already out there and the genie is already out of the bottle. Those that seek to continue to denigrate and belittle the yoruba and lay claim to what is rightfully ours should desist from doing so. They should grant us our peace and give us our due respect and they will get the same in return. If they do not do so those things will elude them and eventually history will repeat itself again in this country.
Meanwhile when anyone reads a rejoinder that addresses the issues that I raised in my essays and that has some level of scholarship and intellectual content they should please let me know and I may well dignify it with a response. The shameless and emotional thrash and disjointed verbiage that have been described as rejoinders so far are just not up to scratch. They are bereft of any scholarship and intellectual content. They also invoke pity in me for the faceless plebians that wrote them and those they claim to be speaking for. When the igbo, or anyone else, find a real champion that can cross swords with me and give me a good run for my money someone should please let me know. I am itching for a real debate with a worthy adversary on this issue.
Like the great Achilles I feel that I have no match. Are there no Hector's out there? Sadly it appears that my accusers, traducers, opposers and haters cannot find one. All they have is their hate, their ignorance, their insults and their inbred crudity and vulgarity.
If only they knew their own history, where they are coming from, what they used to be, where they were 100 years ago and what their forefathers did to the rest of Nigeria over the last 80 years they would know why they have always had such a hard time in this country. Sadly because they dont know any of these things they cannot learn from them. And if they cannot learn from them they will continue to make the same mistakes. That is why they can come to another mans land and territory and call it their own and when we say ''no'' they tell us to shut up and call us tribalists.
I was not a tribalist when I wrote a tribute to Colonel Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu after he died or when I condemned the '60's pogroms that took place in the north in which their people were slaughtered like flies. I was not a tribalist when I wrote against my good friend Senator Ahmed Sani Yarima and child marriage in the north. Yet now I am a tribalist because I spoke the truth about our history and who the yoruba are. I was not a tribalist when I had a long-standing and intimate relationship with Miss Bianca Onoh, an igbo lady, who many years later married Ojukwu and who is now our Ambassador in Spain. I was not a tribalist when I had a long-standing and intimate relationship with Miss Chioma Anasoh, another igbo lady, who I almost took as a second wife. I was not a tribalist when I had a long-standing and intimate relationship with Miss Adaobi Uchegbu, another igbo lady, who was exceptionally close to me and who is now at the National Headquarters of the ruling PDP.
I was not a tribalist when I wrote essays defending the rights of the igbo and every other Nigerian nationality to exercise their right of self-determination and leave Nigeria if that is what they wanted to do. I was not a tribalist when I consistently wrote that Nigeria must have a Sovereign National Conference where the rights and obligations of all its various nationalities would be clearly defined and agreed upon. I was not a tribalist when I employed more igbo people as a Presidential spokesman and a Minister of the Federal Republic than even my own yoruba. I was not a tribalist when I wrote an essay, just two years ago, extolling the virtues of igbo women and telling the world about their sudden and meteoric rise and how far they had gone in the power circles of this country in the last 10 years. I was not a tribalist when I condemned the bombing of predominantly igbo and catholic churches and the killing of the igbo and others by Boko Haram in the north over the last three years.
I was not a tribalist when I risked my life by consistently writing against Boko Haram and urging our President to do a better job at protecting the lives of all Nigerians even though I live in the north. I was not a tribalist when I wrote against political sharia in the late '90's and I participated in protracted and sometimes acrimoniuos debates with islamic fundamentalists and islamists. I was not a tribalist when I was in NADECO and when we fought against military rule in Nigeria. I was not a tribalist when I fought for a President from the south-south or the south-east. I was not a tribalist when I wrote in defence of the igbo when it came to the abandoned property issue. I was not a tribalist when I wrote about the excesses of the Federal troops during the civil war. I was not a tribalist when I commended Azikiwe and the virtues of the NCNC in Nigerian history. I was not a tribalist when I wrote that it was unfair and wrong for the Federal Government of Nigeria to leave the igbo with only 20 pounds each after the civil war. I was not a tribalist when many years ago I attended and gave my life to Christ in a church called TREM which was established by a great igbo man by the name of Bishop Mike Okonkwo. I was not a tribalist when my grandfather, Justice Victor Adedapo Kayode, taught Chief Nnamdi Azikiwe at Methodist Boys High School in Lagos and when my father, Chief Remilekun Fani-Kayode, was appointed as the leader of the predominantly igbo NCNC in the Western Regional House of Assembly. I could go on and on. These people have very short memories and anyone that does not agree with them all the time or that says one word against them at any point in time is labelled a tribalist for life.
They called Chief Obafemi Awolowo a tribalist, an igbo-hater a genocidal maniac and a child-killer simply because the man refused to join sides with them in the civil war yet they forgot that on one of the occassions that Awolowo ran for the Presidency his running mate was from the east and not from the north. They called Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh, Chief S.L Akintola and Sir Ahmadu Bello igbo-haters and tribalists simply because they saw through the igbo agenda at a very early stage in our history and they marked and killed them all for it. They called General Yakubu Gowon a genocidal maniac, a child-killer, an igbo-hater and a tribalist simply because opposed Biafra, stood up to Ojukwu and insisted on keeping Nigeria together and even though he declared that there was ''no victor and no vanquished'' after the civil war.
They accused President Olusegun Obasanjo of being a tribalist and an igbo-hater even though he appointed an igbo man as the first GOC in the Nigerian Army since 1966 and even though he appointed more igbos into key positions in his government than any President before him. They accused President Shehu Shagari of being a tribalist and an igbo-hater even though he pardoned Ojukwu and allowed him to return back home after a long period in exile. They have accused the Nigerian people of being tribalists and igbo-haters simply because we have not had an igbo President since 1966 forgetting that Nigeria was magnamonious in victory and that she not only gladly welcomed them back into the fold after the civil war but that she also gave them the Vice Presidency of the country only ten years later. They have labelled the northerners as tribalists and igbo-haters simply because the north has refused to tolerate their excesses and accept their complicated ways. They have labelled the Niger Deltans as tribalists and igbo-haters simply due to the ''abandoned property issue'' and because historically many of them have always resisted the idea of igbo domination.
They have labelled the yoruba as tribalists and igbo-haters simply because we have refused to accept their claims to our land and territory and even though we were more charitable, hospitable, accomodating and generous to them than any other nationality in Nigeria after the civil war. The yoruba particularly have been too kind and gentle with them. That is the problem. They see our liberal and accomodating nature as stupidity and weakness. That is why they always call the yoruba cowards forgetting that the history of the yoruba proves otherwise. It is now time to tell the truth. They despise the yoruba and they only pretend to believe in one Nigeria as long as they can always have their way and laud it over others. Worst of all, generally speaking, they have no restraining factors because money and the acquisition of wealth is their sole objective and purpose in life.
Someone ought to tell them that this is not a virtue but a vice. It is a cultural deficiency which is borne out of not having any history. If they did they would be less aggressive, more restrained and far more civil to others even where and when they disagree with them. If speaking these bitter home truths and yearning and fighting for a better Nigeria makes me a tribalist then it is a toga that I would be happy to wear. I will not sit by quietly and allow my people, the yoruba people of south western Nigeria, to be rubbished, insulted and cheated by anyone no matter how aggressive and given to extreemities that anyone may believe he is. I make or offer and no apology for my views. My numerous assertions on the igbo stand.
Meanwhile I have read all sorts of strange submissions in various newspapers and blogs that have held themselves out as rejoinders to my two articles titled "Lagos, The Igbo and the Servants Of Truth" and "The Bitter Truth About The Igbo". Sadly other than the usual abuse and ungodly clap-trap not one of them has been able to address ANY of the issues that I raised in either of the two articles, answer any of the questions that I posed in them or successfully challenge my presentation of historical facts.
The bellicose nature and sheer crassness of these so-called rejoinders goes to prove two things. Firstly that those that I have descibed as being collectively unlettered, uncouth, uncultured, unrestrained and crude in all their ways really are all those things and a lot more and secondly that they cannot put up any reasonable or serious arguement to discredit or refute the message so instead they are attempting to destroy the messanger. Meanwhile the two essays have been published in various newspapers in our country and outside and it will continue to be published by others long into the forseeable future.
The message is clear and it is already out there. It cannot be called back in. The horse has bolted from the stable and the falcon has left the nest. No matter how hard those that are attempting to intimidate us into silence may try it will not work and we will not be cowed. The message is already out there and the genie is already out of the bottle. Those that seek to continue to denigrate and belittle the yoruba and lay claim to what is rightfully ours should desist from doing so. They should grant us our peace and give us our due respect and they will get the same in return. If they do not do so those things will elude them and eventually history will repeat itself again in this country.
Meanwhile when anyone reads a rejoinder that addresses the issues that I raised in my essays and that has some level of scholarship and intellectual content they should please let me know and I may well dignify it with a response. The shameless and emotional thrash and disjointed verbiage that have been described as rejoinders so far are just not up to scratch. They are bereft of any scholarship and intellectual content. They also invoke pity in me for the faceless plebians that wrote them and those they claim to be speaking for. When the igbo, or anyone else, find a real champion that can cross swords with me and give me a good run for my money someone should please let me know. I am itching for a real debate with a worthy adversary on this issue.
Like the great Achilles I feel that I have no match. Are there no Hector's out there? Sadly it appears that my accusers, traducers, opposers and haters cannot find one. All they have is their hate, their ignorance, their insults and their inbred crudity and vulgarity.
Professor Olufemi Odekunle's Arrest by Al-mustapha 5
When it was my turn they asked for my name and I said I am Professor Femi Odekunle.There after I did not experience any further beating but other people were beaten in terms of bulala [horse whip].There were eight guard rooms [cells] in all.I was allocated to Room 4 where I met Colonel Shoda, Colonel Chiefe and two other people, meaning that we were five to a room. You were not allowed to go to the toilet until they were ready which was twice a day, at most.The daily routine at Gado Nasko is like this - in the morning around 7a.m. or 8 a.m. they would open one room at a time and tell you to go to the toilet. The other rooms remain locked while all of you in the opened room are marched to the toilet though you were not supposed to look to your left where the other detainees were so that you wouldn't know who was there. When you get to the toilet, there is a guard waiting and watching you while you're doing 'No.1' and 'No. 2'. I hope you understand that -No. 1 isurinating while No 2 is shitting [defecating [. Sometimes as you are about to embark on either No. 1 or No.2 the man would shout, "Timeup!" and that's it.You've lost your chance. It is not a question of going there to spend five or 10 minutes. For the first two weeks, we did not brush our mouths; and for the first one and a half weeks, no bath. When it was exactly one and a half weeks we were taken out to have our bath.I quickly removed my clothes, no shyness or any inhibition of any sort,and took the opportunity to wash my already dirty clothes because we were sleeping on bare cement floor. While I was having my bath, I could remember Major Ishiaku saying,"Oh, Prof., I didn't know you are light skinned,I thought you'reblack." That's to show you how dirty I really looked.And that was the first time, when I looked at the mirror, I saw my left eye looking like the multi-colour picture of the earth that you take when you are coming from outer space, with green, blue, brown patches allover.that was how my left eye looked and I thought I was in real trouble.Actually, I thought I had got brain damage because one and a half weeks later, I developed vertigo, a dizzy spell whereby when you stand up you feel like falling down. It could be on the right or on the left. One day, we were all marched out in handcuffs to goand see a doctor. It was the firsttimesince my arrival in Gado Nasko that I would be handcuffed. Before then, I was not, may be others were. Again, you could not see the military doctor privately. A guard had to be around. I told the doctor that I thought that I had brain damage but he said he didn't think so. Up till now, I'm not convinced until I have had the chance to seek proper medical examination of my head,because I received too much battering on the head,especially on the left side. Those boys really had homicidal intentionsin their dealings with me.Did you get details of the arrest of General Diya and others later? Yes, but that was in the prison because despite the tight security situation, we found away of talking to one another, particularly at the beginning and towards the end, not during the investigations or during the trial. SO, you get to exchange views in a very secretive manner because you are not allowed to engage in open discussion. Take Gado Nasko Barracks, for example, we were three in a room, definitely we would talk. For example, it was there I asked Keshinro why he brought the arresting squad to my house. Major Ishiaku and I also talked but I didn't knowthat both Adisa and Olanrewajuwerethere until weeks later when we got to Jos.What about GeneralDiya? General Diya, I understand, was in a guest house some where in Abuja where he was detained.But you must have met at theSpecial Investigation Board (SIB).Not really. But before we go to the SIB stage, let me say more about the experience in Gado Nasko guard room. The summary of it is that you are inside 24hour a day and you are only allowed to come out for two things. One, to go to the toilet in the morning, in military fashion or, let me say, in an unnatural fashion.You are marched out and must not look to your left,neither must you talk to anybody and somebody is at door shouting, "Time up!" evenbefore youdo anything. One evening, after staying for about two weeks, they called me: and anytime they wanted to call anybody we were always afraid.There was the case of one Hausa boy whom they brought,for the time he spent with us he did not stop saying "Laila ilalahu, laila ilalahu."[There is no other god but Allah]. he was panic stricken andhe was shaking all the time. He was totally distraught. He was almost psychiatric. Forwhenthey opened the door, while hewas still shoutinglaila ilalahu,they gave him more thorough beating. Thus, anytime they called you, you were bound to be afraid. We even heard that those in the general store area,who were more than 20, were regularly flogged. In other words, as bad as our own case was, we had, I hate to use the word, a better status treatment compared to those in the general guardroom.Who were those?Corporals,sergeant sand others like the Cokers, the Owatimehins and the Kotangoras. Those people suffered more. They would just come and say, "Oh,yes, we have to cane you now."And wham, fiam, wham, wham,fiam, thebulala[horsewhip]would besounding on theirbodies. They would, at times,beat them before breakfast.They would say, "Do you want your 'hottea' before or after food?" The 'hot tea' is either sixor 12 strokes of the cane. There was a day one of those flogging detainees saw one detainee and said, "Your body is too smooth, it needs some patterns" and he caned and caned and caned him until he collapsed only to cover himself with a towel, the only "dress" on him when he was arrested. One day, when it was already two weeks, they woke me up in the midnight and theysaid,"Professor,you are wanted". When I got there, I saw this major whom I later learnt to be Major [Adamu] Argungu, a military police attached to the [AsoRock]villa. He said, "Professor, do you know me?" I told him I didn't know him.He said, "Well, how do we get the key to your office?" I told him he could always collect it from the registry. After threatening that he would deal ruthlessly with me if he found any drawer or cabinet locked, he then turned to the guards and asked why I was not in chains. One of the lieutenants told him that it was because there were not enough chains. Then Major Argungu said, "But that's standard procedure. Go and bring one in my car." So they went for it and chained me there and then. So I joined the group of chained detainees. One day again, this [strange] man came to wake me up and said, "Professor, you are wanted." I met Major Argungu,I was in handcuff and leg-iron; and he asked me to enter his car. I did.At the back was a bouncer, I mean somebody who looked like a bouncer.He said the CSO wanted to see me. When we arrived in the villa, they took me to the basement and I was just looking because this was a situation in which somebody could just pick you and kill you,just like that. I was the only one in the basement. have they brought me here to be slaughtered? I asked myself. Later, the man came in, that'sMajor Mustapha. he said,"Bring him up." They took me up to him and he said, "Sit down." I,who had not seen any soft surface for two weeks? He said,"Professor, I want to help you but you have to tell me all you know about this matter. We take it for granted that military people can do things and the civilians may not know when they are participating but we will make it a military affair. We don't want any civilians so, just tell me what you know and we would help you." I said I just wanted to see my family. He said, "I will help you but first tell us what you know. We have talked to Diya,he has talked alot and has mentioned your name. We have talked to PatrickAziza and he too has mentioned your name. So, definitely you must have something to say about ..." Sorry, I have omitted something and it is very vital.When that Major Argungu called for me and asked for the key to myoffice, three or four days later he was at my office and when I was picked up to see the CSO, he said, "Professor, so you write useless memos. I saw the letter you wrote to General [Jeremiah] Useni [minister incharge of the federal capital territory, FCT]. Is that the job of a professor? Writing about [Chief Obafemi] Awolowo not getting a befitting road in Abuja.You are a useless professor. Is that what you are supposed to use your brain to be writing?"So, I was trying to say that there was nothing wrong in raising this kind of issue. He said, "are you arguing with me?" I said no.The thing is that I had written a letter as far back as 1994 when I was still in ABU on my persona letter head which bore my name- Femi Odekunle,Professor of Criminology - a very polite letter indeed that requested for amendment over this complaint in Abuja that all nationalist leaders had double carriage roads, large or long streets [named after them] except Chief Awolowo. I did not believe until I got to Abuja to see that it was true and that it was only Awolowo who had something like an alley named after him. I pleaded to Useni that it might not be his fault, may be an oversight or something on the part of the previous administration. I wrote that he did not need to set up a committee to do this, he needed just to do it and it would be to his credit. It was the copy of that letter that was found in my possession and for which the major was insulting me and rebuking me for being a professor who is expressing ethnic sentiments.I told him it was not ethnic sentiment. He was not done with me yet. He accused me again of being Diya's favourite. He said, "Why is it that anytime you people are going in a convoy the CGS would ask you to leave your car and sit with him in his own car? So, you are his favourite no beso [isn'tthat so]? You must have been enjoying it, but now you'repaying for it." He said all kinds of things portraying the fact that he was a prejudiced major.It also shows that they had no reason for arresting me in the first place. It was only after I had been arrested that they were looking for an offence to hang on my neck. But why this prejudice? Was it because of where I come from or was it justan attempt to clear everybody of my kind? Sorry for the digression. We can now connect with the Major El-Mustapha interrogation. He was saying that he would help me if I could tell him where Diya had sent me but I told him that I didn't know anything but he said they had talked about me, Diya and Aziza. I said,"Well, let them come and face me because I do not know anything aboutwhatyou are telling me." After about 30minutes or so, I said: "In the name of God, I beg you to leave me alone and let me go back to my family."He said he was only ready to help me if I could help him. I thought to myself that this man wanted me to help him by incriminating myself. I said eventhough my life depends on this matter there was no way I was going to lie against myself or against anybody. It was a no-win situation for him.After about thirty minutes, he ordered that I should be taken out and carried back to the guardroom.
...to be continued
...to be continued
Tuesday, 13 August 2013
Professor Olufemi Odekunle's Arrest by Al-mustapha 4
Where were you taken to? When we got downstairs they continued pushing me; and neighbours who had been woken up, apparently by the commotion were watching the whole incident from their windows. I was not wearing any shoes, not even bathroom slippers that I normally wore.I was in this light khaftan-likehouse dress with virtually nothing under (except the boxershorts) and this was harmattan [cold] period (in Abuja and the North). They put me and Major Keshinro in this station wagon and drove us away but I noticed that the team left about two of their men behind.
What, at the time, did you think could have been the motive for your arrest? What I thought in my brain at the time was the bomb blast (at the Abuja airport) of the previous week and the press coverage which they did not want. I thought maybe I was being held responsible for the wide media interest in the matter because we had heard rumours that some people were worried about the presscoverage of that bomb blast. I thought they came to get me because they believed I wasresponsible for it. So, they took me away. By the time we covered about half a kilometre, I was already shaking, not much as a result of the physical wounds but because of the cold harmattan weather. One of them suddenly burst out: "Why are you shaking?" Then, they stopped the car and said, "Now,we are going to give you a thorough beating until you cannot shake any more." Then,that Major [Keshinro] started begging them,asking them to stop beating me. I kept quiet but I was still shaking because there was nothing I could do but to shake. Some how, they stopped and went back to the vehicle and sped so recklessly as [if] they wanted to finish me in an accident. Finally, we reached our destination - Aso Rock. [Guards] opened the gate for them and when I got there, the whole place was like bedlam. I saw about 40 to 50 of these people dressed in jeans, canvas shoes,blue or black T-shirts, fezcaps, wind breakers and some of them wearing masks (hoods).Later I gathered that these were the people called the StrikeForce. Ironically, I had been working in the Aso Rock Villa for about four years but I did not know of the existence of this Presidential StrikeForce.I saw Major [Hamza El-]Mustapha also.He was dressed in trousers, alight-colourshirt and had this walking stick which they can sit on at time[s].He was sitting on it as I was pushed to him. He said, "Yes, you stupid Yorubaman. So, where is Diya now? Where is Olanrewaju now? Where is Adisa now?" Anytime he asked this question I just opened my mouth like this(inastonishment). I was wonderingwhat else could have happened because all along I had thought that I was being arrested for this press coverage thing and that after this beating and interrogation they would release me bu tuntil he was asking: "Where is Diya now?" "Where is Adisa, you this stupid Yoruba man." I didn't really know what was happening. At times he would ask again, "You stupid professor, yes, we have seen your speech, that draft speech you wrote ... And you want to be Foreign (Affairs)Minister, you want to take [ChiefAnthony] Ikimi's job, nobi so[isn't that the case]? You go share one [pair of]trousers with Ikimi." So anytime he said something I would just exclaim "ah!"And anytime I said"ah!" like that I received a blow, gboam on my head from one of those fierce looking boys. One would give a blow from the right and as my head turned left another one would send it back with another equally deadly blow. In other words they were tossing my head around like football.
Was this happening in an open field or in a room? In front of the office of the head of state, in the courtyard. That's where the action, if you will call it that, was. And like I recorded it in my initial statement two weeks later, I said they were beating me like an offending goat on a village market day.That describes what I felt. You know the village system? On market days any goat that eats anybody's yam or any foodstuff would be beaten from stall to stall. Then the man [Major El-Mustapha] said,"No, well, stop beating him. We are supposed to be disciplined people."Then he turned to me, "Go and kneel down there." Mean while I saw MajorKeshinro also being beaten but I was the star attraction. I saw DSP Adebowale too. Everybody was kneelingdown. Major Fadipe was in another corner.He had been so badly beaten that he was bleeding profusely from the head.Now, I must remember this. Anytime Mustapha was talking to me somebody would just come and give me a blow on the back saying, "CSO [ChiefSecurity Officer] is talking to you and you are standing,kneel down!" Another one would come and say, "CSO is talking to you and you are kneeling down, stand up!" and he too would give me a blow.Somebody told me later that he thought they were going to kick me to death the way they were raining blows on me with both hands and feet. There was a time when somebody took avery vicious kick at me like a football on the penalty spot and I literally flew over the bar.Major Fadipe later told me,when we had time to discuss,that I was, indeed kicked about three feet above the ground.After some time one small boy came to challenge me that he saw me one day talking to a white man at Sheraton Hotel,Abuja, and demanded what I was telling the man. Before I could answer he was already all over me saying, "You were passing information, you were making arrangement for the coup." And I was saying, "ah, ah,no, no. I normally go to Sheraton,I go to NICON-NOGA [Hilton Hotel] either on officiall duty or to play tennis or forofficial function." He said, "No."each time during the interrogation or shall I call it during the accusation, I would get an occasional blow here and another one there. Suddenly Mustapha ordered some of the boys to pour ice cold water on me, and this was around 5.30 a.m. during the harmattan. So, they started pouring ice water on my body. And now, this may shock you. The son of General Abacha, Mohammed was the one applying electric torture prod on me. I have about six witnesses to bear me out on this. He would place the electric prod on my wet body – you need to experience it to know what I'm talking about. It is exactly like the electric shock one receives by handling a faulty electrical appliance with wet hands.I could not understand why I was so specially tortured by Mustapha, Mohammed and their boys.Mustapha's own was more psychological than physical. He would say, "You stupid Yoruba people, you think you are smart.See now,who is more knowledgeable - you a professor or me? Who is down now? Who is up?" He said, "You people think you are wise. You are knowledgeable abi[notso]? Stupid professor, I never trusted you, you see, your antecedents don't even make me trust you.You are a traitor to your own cause. By coming to work here,you are already a traitor to your own cause."I don't know what he meant by my antecedents that made him not to trust me.But he reminded me that in1994, he seized my ID card because hedidn'twant me towork in the villa. So, this idea that some people own the villa and they are the people who could work there and that even when somebody like Diya is working there and he wants to employ his own people you must be the one to decide who is good for him and who is not.This is, frommy owninterpretation, what I couldread from this kind of attitude;andif you care this is my ownanalysis of the Nigerian situation to day because otherwise at that point in time,I could not understand why myID card was seized from me but later on I came to understand it.They said they knew me fromABU [Ahmadu Bello University,Zaria] as 'radical'. I am somebody who does not agreewith the second class citizen position. I have never accepted it. I have always fought it and Ihave always done so successfully.SO, they saw me as somebody who is not the submissive type. Even the ADC [militarybody guard]to the head of state [GeneralSani Abacha],Major Abdallah,was in the same league with the Mustaphas. He saw me and said,"Professor, even you. We gave you a small opportunity to come and eat and better your life alittle bit andsee what you have done." Later Mustapha threatened that I should tell him what he wanted to know and that if I didn't, he pitied my family. I didn'tunderstand what he meant at that point in timebut I later got to know.We shall get to that later. But before finishing with me, he ordered that his boys should go back tomy house and pack all my documents, files,books-anything they could lay their hands on. He said, "Pack everything here and if he likes,he can go to the human rights commission in, ...Professor,where do you have your humanrights commission. The Hague? (He did notknow that it is inGeneva). Let him go and report there." All the time I was asking myself: Why are they treating me like this/ I am not a soldier yet my own physical harassment was more than even the soldiers' because I can now even remember something else they did to me when they were taking me from my house to Aso Rock. I had just discovered that my (neck)chain had cut when one of them saw it and demanded what it was. He then ordered one of the boys to throw the chain in my mouth and allow me to choke on it. So,I don't know what Major El-Mustapha must have told those boys but the only thing he told me was that I wrote a draftspeech and I was tobe mademinister of foreign affairs.Those came to me as a shock because I didn't know anythingabout it at all. Then they took me from Aso Rockto Gado Nasko [Barracks] guardroom.The people who took me there were very abusive while enroute there. They said, "Let'sshoot his leg." "Let'sgouge outhis eyes." - all sorts of things. AsI have already told you,I wasbadly, badly shaken. I was like achicken soaked in water.Rememberit was harmattanperiod. At Gado Nasko Barracks,they took down thenamesofnew arrivals and soon allocatedrooms [cells] to us.
...to be continued
What, at the time, did you think could have been the motive for your arrest? What I thought in my brain at the time was the bomb blast (at the Abuja airport) of the previous week and the press coverage which they did not want. I thought maybe I was being held responsible for the wide media interest in the matter because we had heard rumours that some people were worried about the presscoverage of that bomb blast. I thought they came to get me because they believed I wasresponsible for it. So, they took me away. By the time we covered about half a kilometre, I was already shaking, not much as a result of the physical wounds but because of the cold harmattan weather. One of them suddenly burst out: "Why are you shaking?" Then, they stopped the car and said, "Now,we are going to give you a thorough beating until you cannot shake any more." Then,that Major [Keshinro] started begging them,asking them to stop beating me. I kept quiet but I was still shaking because there was nothing I could do but to shake. Some how, they stopped and went back to the vehicle and sped so recklessly as [if] they wanted to finish me in an accident. Finally, we reached our destination - Aso Rock. [Guards] opened the gate for them and when I got there, the whole place was like bedlam. I saw about 40 to 50 of these people dressed in jeans, canvas shoes,blue or black T-shirts, fezcaps, wind breakers and some of them wearing masks (hoods).Later I gathered that these were the people called the StrikeForce. Ironically, I had been working in the Aso Rock Villa for about four years but I did not know of the existence of this Presidential StrikeForce.I saw Major [Hamza El-]Mustapha also.He was dressed in trousers, alight-colourshirt and had this walking stick which they can sit on at time[s].He was sitting on it as I was pushed to him. He said, "Yes, you stupid Yorubaman. So, where is Diya now? Where is Olanrewaju now? Where is Adisa now?" Anytime he asked this question I just opened my mouth like this(inastonishment). I was wonderingwhat else could have happened because all along I had thought that I was being arrested for this press coverage thing and that after this beating and interrogation they would release me bu tuntil he was asking: "Where is Diya now?" "Where is Adisa, you this stupid Yoruba man." I didn't really know what was happening. At times he would ask again, "You stupid professor, yes, we have seen your speech, that draft speech you wrote ... And you want to be Foreign (Affairs)Minister, you want to take [ChiefAnthony] Ikimi's job, nobi so[isn't that the case]? You go share one [pair of]trousers with Ikimi." So anytime he said something I would just exclaim "ah!"And anytime I said"ah!" like that I received a blow, gboam on my head from one of those fierce looking boys. One would give a blow from the right and as my head turned left another one would send it back with another equally deadly blow. In other words they were tossing my head around like football.
Was this happening in an open field or in a room? In front of the office of the head of state, in the courtyard. That's where the action, if you will call it that, was. And like I recorded it in my initial statement two weeks later, I said they were beating me like an offending goat on a village market day.That describes what I felt. You know the village system? On market days any goat that eats anybody's yam or any foodstuff would be beaten from stall to stall. Then the man [Major El-Mustapha] said,"No, well, stop beating him. We are supposed to be disciplined people."Then he turned to me, "Go and kneel down there." Mean while I saw MajorKeshinro also being beaten but I was the star attraction. I saw DSP Adebowale too. Everybody was kneelingdown. Major Fadipe was in another corner.He had been so badly beaten that he was bleeding profusely from the head.Now, I must remember this. Anytime Mustapha was talking to me somebody would just come and give me a blow on the back saying, "CSO [ChiefSecurity Officer] is talking to you and you are standing,kneel down!" Another one would come and say, "CSO is talking to you and you are kneeling down, stand up!" and he too would give me a blow.Somebody told me later that he thought they were going to kick me to death the way they were raining blows on me with both hands and feet. There was a time when somebody took avery vicious kick at me like a football on the penalty spot and I literally flew over the bar.Major Fadipe later told me,when we had time to discuss,that I was, indeed kicked about three feet above the ground.After some time one small boy came to challenge me that he saw me one day talking to a white man at Sheraton Hotel,Abuja, and demanded what I was telling the man. Before I could answer he was already all over me saying, "You were passing information, you were making arrangement for the coup." And I was saying, "ah, ah,no, no. I normally go to Sheraton,I go to NICON-NOGA [Hilton Hotel] either on officiall duty or to play tennis or forofficial function." He said, "No."each time during the interrogation or shall I call it during the accusation, I would get an occasional blow here and another one there. Suddenly Mustapha ordered some of the boys to pour ice cold water on me, and this was around 5.30 a.m. during the harmattan. So, they started pouring ice water on my body. And now, this may shock you. The son of General Abacha, Mohammed was the one applying electric torture prod on me. I have about six witnesses to bear me out on this. He would place the electric prod on my wet body – you need to experience it to know what I'm talking about. It is exactly like the electric shock one receives by handling a faulty electrical appliance with wet hands.I could not understand why I was so specially tortured by Mustapha, Mohammed and their boys.Mustapha's own was more psychological than physical. He would say, "You stupid Yoruba people, you think you are smart.See now,who is more knowledgeable - you a professor or me? Who is down now? Who is up?" He said, "You people think you are wise. You are knowledgeable abi[notso]? Stupid professor, I never trusted you, you see, your antecedents don't even make me trust you.You are a traitor to your own cause. By coming to work here,you are already a traitor to your own cause."I don't know what he meant by my antecedents that made him not to trust me.But he reminded me that in1994, he seized my ID card because hedidn'twant me towork in the villa. So, this idea that some people own the villa and they are the people who could work there and that even when somebody like Diya is working there and he wants to employ his own people you must be the one to decide who is good for him and who is not.This is, frommy owninterpretation, what I couldread from this kind of attitude;andif you care this is my ownanalysis of the Nigerian situation to day because otherwise at that point in time,I could not understand why myID card was seized from me but later on I came to understand it.They said they knew me fromABU [Ahmadu Bello University,Zaria] as 'radical'. I am somebody who does not agreewith the second class citizen position. I have never accepted it. I have always fought it and Ihave always done so successfully.SO, they saw me as somebody who is not the submissive type. Even the ADC [militarybody guard]to the head of state [GeneralSani Abacha],Major Abdallah,was in the same league with the Mustaphas. He saw me and said,"Professor, even you. We gave you a small opportunity to come and eat and better your life alittle bit andsee what you have done." Later Mustapha threatened that I should tell him what he wanted to know and that if I didn't, he pitied my family. I didn'tunderstand what he meant at that point in timebut I later got to know.We shall get to that later. But before finishing with me, he ordered that his boys should go back tomy house and pack all my documents, files,books-anything they could lay their hands on. He said, "Pack everything here and if he likes,he can go to the human rights commission in, ...Professor,where do you have your humanrights commission. The Hague? (He did notknow that it is inGeneva). Let him go and report there." All the time I was asking myself: Why are they treating me like this/ I am not a soldier yet my own physical harassment was more than even the soldiers' because I can now even remember something else they did to me when they were taking me from my house to Aso Rock. I had just discovered that my (neck)chain had cut when one of them saw it and demanded what it was. He then ordered one of the boys to throw the chain in my mouth and allow me to choke on it. So,I don't know what Major El-Mustapha must have told those boys but the only thing he told me was that I wrote a draftspeech and I was tobe mademinister of foreign affairs.Those came to me as a shock because I didn't know anythingabout it at all. Then they took me from Aso Rockto Gado Nasko [Barracks] guardroom.The people who took me there were very abusive while enroute there. They said, "Let'sshoot his leg." "Let'sgouge outhis eyes." - all sorts of things. AsI have already told you,I wasbadly, badly shaken. I was like achicken soaked in water.Rememberit was harmattanperiod. At Gado Nasko Barracks,they took down thenamesofnew arrivals and soon allocatedrooms [cells] to us.
...to be continued
Monday, 12 August 2013
If You Reside in Lagos and Your Girlfriend or Wife Knows This Woman, Then You Should Be Worried
According to sources close to me, I hear she is considered by many (especially females) to be the saviour of single and married women alike who reside in Lagos at the moment.
Are you wondering why she's considered a saviour? Here: I gathered she's a professional in the art of making a man submit totally to any woman who eats her special mean. I have also heard that her 'office' always has an unbelievable queue at its entrance. I have also been told that the moment you see 'Mama Dolphin,' all is well with your relationship with you man.
Did I hear you ask what she does? Well, here's the answer:
We hear she would prepare you a whole cockerel or Chicken (well prepapred and ready to be eaten).
However, eating it has a very strict process and conditions if you are to leave a happy client - It must be eaten by you alone whole and never to be shared with anyone or anything at all.
You must make sure that the bones are all intact during and after the eating process. It must not be cracked at all.
After this is done, whatsoever the lady does, the husband or boyfriend would never raise an eyelid. Even if a trailer passes through it, it would okay by the husband/boyfriend.
That's not all, if the lady (wife, girlfriend or mistress) asks for the whole anything in the universe, the man would provide it, no matter what.
It doesn't just end there, the other part is the enchanted (Vudu) waist beads that mama gives her clients; old, young, single or married.
Once a man has sexual intercourse with the lady or woman in question, except God helps the man, then he is forever hooked. He becomes a puppet in her hand, totally subservient to all her whims, caprices and requests/demands.
Dear men, has your girlfriend or wife visited Mama Dolphin or does she have friends who have? Tread carefully and remember to ask God for His protection at all times.
I’m pregnant for the brother of my child’s father
I once dated his younger brother while we were studying abroad. I actually had a child for him which we both agreed to put up for adoption because we were at that time ill-equipped to take on the responsibility of caring for a child.
Along the line, we had to part ways when he met an ‘akata’ woman who could give him the kind of security he wanted to remain in United States.
I had to move on to another country; Canada: when I got the opportunity to.
I came back to the country to start a new life. During a friend’s birthday, I met this man who I got talking to. One thing led to another and we eventually started dating. Even though something about his surname sounded familiar but at 40, I considered myself lucky to attract such a man so didn’t bother to probe him or his family.
Being desperate, I immediately set about getting pregnant. Luckily, I was able to get pregnant six months after our meeting. I waited for five months before telling him about the pending baby to avoid him asking me to abort the child. I am blessed with a good physic so he didn’t know I was in the family way at all.
When I eventually told him, he protested my pregnancy insisting we never discussed it especially as he has a family. He said our relationship wasn’t meant to last forever but I ignored him and made my way to see his parents confident no sane person would ask me to terminate an almost six months pregnancy.
It was while I was there that his younger brother walked in. I didn’t know he was back from the United States let alone aware he is the younger brother of my unborn child’s father. His presence erased any hope of the family accepting me as the second wife of their eldest son.
They practically threw me out when they discovered I had a child for their younger son. They said it was abomination in their family for two brothers to sleep with the same woman let alone have children by her.
They said, they didn’t want curse upon their family hence told me to go and remove the child inside of me to avoid the repercussion of having children for two brothers. They also said, if I decide to keep the child, it would be my decision, not theirs since they will never have anything to do with me and my child for life.
This is why I need your help desperately. I don’t know what to do. If I give birth to this child, there is no guarantee that the father’s family will ever welcome the child. Though there is a clause in the adoption paper that we signed that when the child is 18, she will get to know who her biological parents are. How do I explain to the world that I bore my two children to two brothers?
On the other hand, I am getting advanced in age by the standards of a woman’s reproductive years. What assurances that I will ever get pregnant again? I am so confused as to the path to take in my situation.
Please help me as a part of me wants to keep this baby because I need it to ensure this man comes back into my life; a baby to bargain with in my latter years should in case no man comes for my hand in marriage again.
Please help me
Worried Woman.
OAU Undergrad Opens Up On Why She Wants To Marry Rotimi Makinde
Miss Osun State, Banke Oyelami, the Obafemi Awolowo University who we reported to you sometime ago to be neck-deep in love with Hon. Rotimi Makinde has confessed her reasons for loving him.
23 year old final year student and the reigning queen of beauty, Banke, who is getting ready to marry Nollywood actor turned politician, Hon. Rotimi Makinde (who is in his late 40's) speaks on why she wants to marry him.
"It's not about what he can give me, though meeting him has changed my life. He's very intelligent, creative and hardworking. And he's a good person, to me, his children and everybody around him. He wants the best for me. When he proposed to me, I told him I was still in the University and he agreed to wait for me to finish and he has been very patient and supportive to my education," she explained.
About their the her liaison together, "people have been saying all sorts of rubbish since we announced our engagement but I am not bothered by the talks. I met a good man who loves me and I feel good because I have everything in him, a father, brother and friend. I feel secured because he's a very mature and caring and I am looking forward to our life together as husband and wife," the beauty queen said
23 year old final year student and the reigning queen of beauty, Banke, who is getting ready to marry Nollywood actor turned politician, Hon. Rotimi Makinde (who is in his late 40's) speaks on why she wants to marry him.
"It's not about what he can give me, though meeting him has changed my life. He's very intelligent, creative and hardworking. And he's a good person, to me, his children and everybody around him. He wants the best for me. When he proposed to me, I told him I was still in the University and he agreed to wait for me to finish and he has been very patient and supportive to my education," she explained.
About their the her liaison together, "people have been saying all sorts of rubbish since we announced our engagement but I am not bothered by the talks. I met a good man who loves me and I feel good because I have everything in him, a father, brother and friend. I feel secured because he's a very mature and caring and I am looking forward to our life together as husband and wife," the beauty queen said
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